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SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY

Year 2020, Volume: 2 Issue: 2, 147 - 163, 31.12.2020

Abstract

Disiplinlerarası bir çalışma olan bu makaleye göre; ayrılma, ayrılıkçı toplulukların savunduğunun aksine arzu edilen bir anayasal ve siyasi olay olmayabilir. Ayrılıkçı topluluklar, tekrarlamalı ayrılıkların varlığı halinde karşılıklı etnik düşmanlıklar, soykırımlar, emniyetsiz kamusal alanlar ve sürgünler gibi pek çok zorlukla karşılaşabilir. Ek olarak; çoklu bir şekilde tekrarlanan ayrılıklar, bazı eski Yugoslav ve Sovyet cumhuriyetlerinde söz konusu olan ekonomik yıkımların benzerlerini de beraberinde getirebilir. Ardışık ayrılmaların varlığı durumunda ayrılıkçı akımların diplomatik tecrit ile karşılaşabileceğini iddia eden çalışmamız; sadece ayrılmanın değil, aynı zamanda uzlaştırmacı anayasal yaklaşımların da tarihi adaletsizliklerin ortadan kaldırılması sürecine yardımcı olabileceğini ifade etmektedir. Kendi kaderini tayin hakkını, dahil edici bir hak olarak tasavvur eden çalışmamız, mevzu bahis hakkın ayrılıkçı akımları meşrulaştıramayacağını ileri sürmektedir. Son olarak; çalışmamız, toplulukların ayrılıkçılık aracılığıyla istifade edemeyeceği bazı güvenlik menfaatlerinden birliktelikçilik anlayışı sayesinde faydalanabileceğini savunmaktadır.

References

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SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY

Year 2020, Volume: 2 Issue: 2, 147 - 163, 31.12.2020

Abstract

This article is an interdisciplinary study arguing that secession would not be a desirable constitutional and political phenomenon as separatist communities maintain. The article contends that secessionist communities would face many difficulties in the existence of recursive secessions, such as reciprocal ethnic atrocities, genocides, insecure public areas and forced deportations. Furthermore, multiple recursive secessions would lead to numerous economic catastrophes like those recorded in some former Yugoslav and Soviet republics. Secessionist communities are also likely to encounter diplomatic isolation in the presence of sequential secessions. According to the article, not only secession but also accommodationist constitutional approaches are likely to remove historical injustices. The article recognises the right to self-determination as a right of inclusion that does not justify secessionist movements. Finally, it is supported that unionism would enable communities to enjoy some security benefits unlikely to be provided by secessionism.

References

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  • Abdullahzade, C. (2013). Hukuki Yönleriyle Dağlık Karabağ Sorunu. Ankara: Adalet Yayınevi.
  • Abubakar, A. (2019). Peacebuilding and Sustainable Human Development: The Pursuit of the Bangsamoro Right to Self-Determination. Cham: Springer.
  • Akbaba, S. (2020). “Re-Locating Identity Politics in the UK in a Post-Brexit Era: The Scottish, Northern Irish, And Welsh National Backlash”. OPUS International Journal of Society Researches, 15(24), 2957-2981.
  • Akçay, D. (2020). “Dağlık Karabağ Uyuşmazlığında Self-Determinasyon Tezlerinin Göreceliği”. Ermeni Araştırmaları, 65: 101-130.
  • Alesina, A. and E. Spolaore. (2003). The Size of Nations. Cambridge: MIT Press.
  • Andreu, J. (2019). “Constitution and Referendum on Secession in Catalonia”. Claims for Secession and Federalism: A Comparative Study with a Special Focus on Spain. (Eds. A. López-Basaguren and L. E. San-Epifanio). New York: Springer, 405-422.
  • Antunes, S. and J. Loughlin. (2020). “The European Union, Subnational Mobilization and State Rescaling in Small Unitary States: A Comparative Analysis”. Regional & Federal Studies, 30(2), 121-136.
  • Arbatova, N. (2019). “Three Faces of Russia’s Neo-Eurasianism”. Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, 61(6), 7-24.
  • Armstrong, H. and R. Read. (2004). “Small States and Island States: Implications of Size, Location and Isolation for Prosperity”. On the Edge of the Global Economy. (Ed. J. Poot). Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 191-223.
  • Askerov, A. (2020). “The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict: The Beginning of the Soviet End”. The Post-Soviet Conflicts: The Thirty Years’ Crisis Illustrated. (Eds. A. Askerov, S. Brooks and L. Tchantouridzé). London: Lexington Books, 55-82.
  • Aydın, F. and F. K. Şahin. (2019). “The Politics of Recognition of Crimean Tatar Collective Rights in the Post-Soviet Period: With Special Attention to the Russian Annexation of Crimea”. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 52(1), 39-50.
  • Bahry, D. and C. Nechemias. (1981). “Half Full or Half Empty: The Debate over Soviet Regional Equality”. Slavic Review, 40(3), 366-383.
  • Baldacchino, G. (2020). “Island versus Region: The Politics of Small States in the Caribbean”. Handbook on the Politics of Small States. (Eds. G. Baldacchino and A. Wivel). Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 278-292.
  • Bartkus, V. O. (1999). The Dynamic of Secession. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Beran, H. (1984). “A Liberal Theory of Secession”. Political Studies, 32(1), 21-31.
  • Berg, R. (2020). “Norway’s Foreign Politics during the Union with Sweden, 1814-1905: A Reconsideration”. Diplomacy & Statecraft, 31(1), 1-21.
  • Blakkisrud, H. and P. Kolstø. (2011). “From Secessionist Conflict toward a Functioning State: Processes of State- and Nation-Building in Transnistria”, Post-Soviet Affairs, 27(2), 178-210.
  • Blanchet, A. and M. Medeiros. (2019). “The Secessionist Spectre: The Influence of Authoritarianism, Nativism and Populism on Support for Quebec Independence”. Nations and Nationalism, 25(3), 803-821.
  • Boylan, B. and E. Turkina. (2019). “Calling on Europe? Secessionist Political Parties and Their Communications to the European Union”. Journal of Common Market Studies, 57(6), 1310-1332.
  • Buchanan, A. (1991a). Secession: The Morality of Political Divorce from Fort Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec. Boulder: Westview Press.
  • Buchanan, A. (1991b). “Toward a Theory of Secession”. Ethics, 101(2), 322-342.
  • Bulakh, T. (2020). “Entangled in Social Safety Nets: Administrative Responses to and Lived Experiences of Internally Displaced Persons in Ukraine”. Europe-Asia Studies, 72(3), 455-480.
  • Byrne, H. and P. Englebert. (2019). “Shifting Grounds for African Secessionism?”. Secessionism in African Politics: Aspiration, Grievance, Performance, Disenchantment. (Eds. L. de Vries, P. Englebert and M. Schomerus). London: Palgrave Macmillan, 455-488.
  • Cameron, G. (2019). “Zanzibar in the Tanzanian Union”. Secessionism in African Politics: Aspiration, Grievance, Performance, Disenchantment. (Eds. L. de Vries, P. Englebert and M. Schomerus). London: Palgrave Macmillan, 179-205.
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There are 102 citations in total.

Details

Primary Language English
Subjects Law in Context, Public Administration, Political Science
Journal Section Articles
Authors

Hakan Kolçak 0000-0003-1185-4055

Publication Date December 31, 2020
Submission Date October 8, 2020
Published in Issue Year 2020 Volume: 2 Issue: 2

Cite

APA Kolçak, H. (2020). SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY. Uluslararası Hukuk Ve Sosyal Bilim Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2(2), 147-163.
AMA Kolçak H. SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY. UHUSBAD. December 2020;2(2):147-163.
Chicago Kolçak, Hakan. “SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY”. Uluslararası Hukuk Ve Sosyal Bilim Araştırmaları Dergisi 2, no. 2 (December 2020): 147-63.
EndNote Kolçak H (December 1, 2020) SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY. Uluslararası Hukuk ve Sosyal Bilim Araştırmaları Dergisi 2 2 147–163.
IEEE H. Kolçak, “SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY”, UHUSBAD, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 147–163, 2020.
ISNAD Kolçak, Hakan. “SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY”. Uluslararası Hukuk ve Sosyal Bilim Araştırmaları Dergisi 2/2 (December 2020), 147-163.
JAMA Kolçak H. SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY. UHUSBAD. 2020;2:147–163.
MLA Kolçak, Hakan. “SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY”. Uluslararası Hukuk Ve Sosyal Bilim Araştırmaları Dergisi, vol. 2, no. 2, 2020, pp. 147-63.
Vancouver Kolçak H. SECESSİON AS UNDESİRABLE SCENARİO: REASONS FOR UNİTY. UHUSBAD. 2020;2(2):147-63.

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